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and “the consciousness/conscience of us all,” “counterposing to
power, despotism and the abuses and arrogance of wealth the
universality of justice and the equity of an ideal law” (1980:
126, 128). This category derives from the jurist or notable, and
finds the “fullest manifestation in the writer, the bearer of
values and significations” (128). Their place has been taken
since the Second World War by the specific type of
intellectuals: savants or experts possessing specific knowledge
and utilizing their expertise within specific sectors (129). Both
categories are closely related to politics: the jurist and the
writer have long fought in political struggles, and
techno-scientific professionals could encounter manipulation
by the powerful and the minority (127-130). Unlike the
idealistic Benda, however, Foucault deems it “a dangerous
error” to politically disregard the intellectuals (131). What
must be taken into account is that they “operate and struggle at
the general level of that régime of truth” crucial “to the
structure and functioning of our society” (132). In other words,
it is the role the intellectuals play with respect to the
production of truth that Foucault pays heed to.
Despite their apparently different stances on political
involvement, these theoretical concepts share certain
commonality: all these thinkers highlight the public role of the
intellectuals, who act as the conscience of the people,
counteracting the unjust and speaking truth to power, or as the
thinking and organizing element of society, directing the ideas
and aspirations of the people. Conscientious and
nonconforming, these representative figures are linked to the
functioning of an apparatus of truth. Such delineation may to
some extent appeal to Joyce, a nonconformist who represents
the general paralysis of his country, searches for independence
from restraints, refuses to serve any master, emphasizes
universal values such as love and brotherhood, and repudiates
hatred and parochialism. As is generally admitted, resistance