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entitlements of social categories, compensation for disadvantages in
the labor market, and provisions for individuals without sufficient
family support (O’Rand & Henretta, 1999). Studies have revealed
negative associations between social expenditures and child, elderly,
and overall poverty levels (Bradbury & Jäntti, 2001; Kenworthy,
1999; Tai & Treas, 2009). In 2013, total social spending ranged
from 10% of gross domestic product in South Korea to 32% in
France and Sweden among OECD countries (OECD, 2016). In
2007-2008, social spending favored the elderly in Southern
European countries, Japan, Taiwan, and some post-socialist
countries. Scandinavian countries, South Korea, and some liberal
countries such as Ireland had age-neutral social policies (Lue
,
Yeh,
& Chen, 2014; Vanhuysse, 2013). As these observations show,
youth poverty is high in comprehensive and age-neutral
Scandinavian welfare states. In contrast, young adults are
economically secure in East Asian countries where social
expenditures are low. Thus, generous social expenditures and
youth-oriented welfare resources do not always translate into less
youth poverty. This finding merits further investigation of the
factors leading to international variation in economic well-being
among youth.
In addition to social expenditures, welfare state typology
compares welfare policy, cultural patterns, economic structures,
and consequential life outcomes, such as youth poverty, against “an
interpretative background” for varying life course experiences in
different social contexts (Walther, 2006: 136). Esping-Andersen
(1990, 1999), identifies three types of capitalist welfare regimes. In
Scandinavian social democratic regimes, welfare provisions are
citizenship-based, characterized by universal coverage and high
levels of social transfer. School-leavers or individuals with an
insufficient contribution history are still entitled to social assistance
benefits and vocational training.
Due to a preference for market-oriented solutions, most