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entitlements of social categories, compensation for disadvantages in

the labor market, and provisions for individuals without sufficient

family support (O’Rand & Henretta, 1999). Studies have revealed

negative associations between social expenditures and child, elderly,

and overall poverty levels (Bradbury & Jäntti, 2001; Kenworthy,

1999; Tai & Treas, 2009). In 2013, total social spending ranged

from 10% of gross domestic product in South Korea to 32% in

France and Sweden among OECD countries (OECD, 2016). In

2007-2008, social spending favored the elderly in Southern

European countries, Japan, Taiwan, and some post-socialist

countries. Scandinavian countries, South Korea, and some liberal

countries such as Ireland had age-neutral social policies (Lue



& Chen, 2014; Vanhuysse, 2013). As these observations show,

youth poverty is high in comprehensive and age-neutral

Scandinavian welfare states. In contrast, young adults are

economically secure in East Asian countries where social

expenditures are low. Thus, generous social expenditures and

youth-oriented welfare resources do not always translate into less

youth poverty. This finding merits further investigation of the

factors leading to international variation in economic well-being

among youth.

In addition to social expenditures, welfare state typology

compares welfare policy, cultural patterns, economic structures,

and consequential life outcomes, such as youth poverty, against “an

interpretative background” for varying life course experiences in

different social contexts (Walther, 2006: 136). Esping-Andersen

(1990, 1999), identifies three types of capitalist welfare regimes. In

Scandinavian social democratic regimes, welfare provisions are

citizenship-based, characterized by universal coverage and high

levels of social transfer. School-leavers or individuals with an

insufficient contribution history are still entitled to social assistance

benefits and vocational training.

Due to a preference for market-oriented solutions, most