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This study aims to contribute to the literature by investigating
ethnic variations in the characteristics of first cohabitation and first
marriage formed by Asian American young adults. This investigation
is important for several reasons. First, in an era of rapid family
change, very little is known about whether different Asian American
subgroups experience similar marriage decline. Entry into marriage is
a critical marker during the transition to adulthood. It is imperative
for researchers to understand whether the differential socioeconomic
profiles observed between Asian American ethnic groups are also
reflected in their likelihood of forming a marital union.
Second, despite rapid increases in cohabitation in recent
decades, we know very little about patterns of cohabitation among
Asian Americans in the U.S. It is very likely that the prevalence of
pre-marital cohabitation for Asian Americans resembles those of
their counterparts in Asia, given that a large proportion of them are
first- and second-generation immigrants (Zhou & Lee, 2004).
While prevalence of cohabitation in the less developed part of Asia
is unknown, research has documented rising cohabitation rates in
the more advanced East Asian economies and the Philippines
(Lesthaeghe, 2010; Williams, Kabamalan, & Ogena, 2007). Does
the prevalence of cohabitation among Asian Americans vary by
immigrants’ country of origin? The fact that cohabiting unions are
more fragile makes knowing which Asian subgroups are more
vulnerable to union instability a critical issue. Moreover, are
cohabiting unions formed by certain subgroups more likely to end
in marriage than others? Answers to these questions can have policy
implications for both the adults and children involved in these
unions.
Third, it has been documented that Asian Americans, along
with Hispanics and American Indians, are much more likely to
marry a white partner than are African Americans. Is this pattern
uniform across all ethnic subgroups? It is reasonable to believe that
the answer is negative, due to the differential socioeconomic
profiles between Asian American subgroups. Socioeconomic status
affects contacts and interactions between the majority and minority